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History and Ideals of Gaelic Traditionalism v 1.6
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Sacred Precincts, The Nemeds by Iain Mac an tSaoir The Nemeds: When people think of the Celtic peoples and their sacred places, what more often than not comes to mind are the sacred groves. It is conventional wisom to think that these groves were called "nemetons" or in the Gaelic "nemed". However, as is often the case, the conventional wisdom concerning this word is probably wrong. The ideas we have about the ancient Celts, their ways and certainly their religious practices, have been heavily influenced by the "British Celtic Revival" of the eighteenth century. Fortunately, the advances in archaeology and anthropology, along with the advent of the "information age" have laid much of the mis-information of that time to rest. In fact, the word nemed indicated, not only natural settings such as clearings in groves, rivers, hills, etc, but also such things as shrines and enclosures, as evidenced by the latter being referred to both as nemed and sacellum. The most accurate definition of the word is simply: a sacred place. (1) To our Celtic ancestors, the whole of the land was sacred. The land was after all the embodiment of the Goddess of the Land. Yet, there were places that were considered special beyond the sanctity normally recognized in the land. These areas may have been a place where a champion died, or a mound or hill where a venerated ancestor had been buried. What is important when looking at the places that our ancestors considered sacred is not their most obvious features. Nor is there any act of making "sacred space". In the Celtic worldview, space is sacred in and of itself. What is important are the subtlties. Our ancestors were a people who looked for times and places "in between". In this framework, a seashore or lakeshore becomes a place where the Three Realms of the World (Sky, Sea, Land) converge. The same is true for islands. Even hills (often large burial chambers turned into mounds), if we consider that the standing stones placed atop of places where underground streams converge, have the waters below (figuratively?) coming up through the stone and giving us a convergence of the Three Realms. Most of the literary references of the classical historians date back to the Iron Age. While the accounts of Posidonius, Strabo and others are referencing mainly Gallic (continental) Celts, by finding counterparts in Goidelic archaeological remains, we can see the patterns also amongst our ancestors. The following is a work detailing the type of sites which are assuredly nemeds. I. Enclosures: All across Celtic lands there are to be found what remain of sacred enclosures. Greek historians on the continent referred to these buildings with the Greek word which designated a temple complex on the classical model of a cut or share of land dedicated to a God. This nemed would define an enclosed area in which an altar was surrounded by cleared and consecrated ground. The words used by Latin writers to denote these sacred enclosures (fannum) have very similar meanings. This should not be construed to mean that the Celtic patterns were the same as either Greek or Roman. The writers commenting were simply using words from their language which most closely described what they saw in Celtic lands. In the Goidelic tradition we can find evidence of two types of enclosure. The first type are the enclosures associated with royalty and the rare but formalized ritual of the Marriage to the Land. The second is typified by the ancient enclosure that evolved into the Abbey of Brigit at Kildare, these held sacred relics, in this case the Flame of Bride. While the exact layout is not mentioned by the classical historians, what is abundant is the idea of a formalized structure.(2) In Ireland, Emain Macha falls squarely into this. Emain Macha is found spoken of quite a bit in the Tain Bo Cuailnge. The lore surrounding this enclosure is as telling of its nature as is the archaeology of the place. The site itself is named after Macha. She died giving birth to twins after a brutal foot race against the king's (MacNessa) fastest horse and chariot team. The whole theme of this denotes both the lore and the site as related to the king's Marriage to the Land (3). Hence Macha is the Goddess of Sovereignty of Ulster. She is iconographed as a white mare. The white mare is also associated with the sun. The archaeological data on the site shows that there were, of course, buildings inside the enclosure. The building was later filled in with stones which are laid out in a rayed pattern and then burned (4). Yet there had also been posts upright in the ground in a pattern radiating out from the center, once again associating the site with the sun. Emain Macha, like so many other sites across Celtic lands had an east facing entrance, though in the case of Emain Macha, there was also a west facing one as well. The solar association of an east facing gate is rather easy to ascertain, and in a primitive cultural setting would be the place where the sun entered the place (as typified by tribal practices the world over). All of the evidence gives Emain Macha a definite connection to royalty (5). Like Emain Macha, another site in Ireland associated with royalty is the Hill of Tara. The older name is of course Temair, the burial place of Tea of the Milesians (6). This particular site was built on top of a rather large hill which has been later shown to be covering a large stone chambered tomb. The enclosure itself was round and contained several earthworks. One such earthwork is a palisade called, "The Rath of the Synods" which has seen some excavation. The remains show great amounts of animal bones, which is taken to be evidence of animal sacrifice, though it could be that the remains are those of great feasts.(7) The works of the classical historians contain several examples of the second type of enclosure. These were tended by those who are described in the modern era as members of a priesthood, specifically priestesses. However, the words used and practices described do not denote priestesses as we understand that word. They do however, denote oracles. The difference between the two is easily described. A priest or priestess mediates deity on the behalf of others and ministers to them. An Oracle, on the otherhand, is a seer and prophet who has mastered the arts of divination and the practices described by Mircea Eliade as shamanic. A member of the priestcraft is the earthly representative of a diety, while an Oracle is a vessel through which a deity may speak to a devotee(s). The Oracles themselves had no contact with outsiders or very rarely did. They were people who had dedicated themselves to the upkeep of the enclosure and shrine, guardianship of the precinct, as well as the task of being an Oracle. Classical descriptions of petitioners of a deity coming to a place and speaking in one direction, to someone unseen behind them, then waiting for the answer to their question, and after receiving it leaving a gift and going about their business never seeing the person asked is typical of a primitive Oracle. The enclosures themselves would also hold sacred relics. At Kildare, the one relic known to have been there is the Sacred Flame. This is not to say that the enclosures associated with royalty didn't hold sacred relics, in all probability they did, though what their nature may have been is anyone's guess. Of particular interest in the study of the sacred enclosures are the pits and shafts around which the enclosures exist. Votive pits (including shafts) occur throughout Celtic lands. Sometimes they are found by themselves at some site which has always been otherwise quite natural. The enclosures though seem to always have them, and many times several of them. I will cover votive pits in more detail later on. (8) As a whole the Goidelic enclosures seem to follow the basic layout (later eastern Gallic enclosures, along with many found in what is now England, are square, while insular Goidelic enclosures remained round.), and presumably therefore, have the same functions as the Gallic models. The Votive Pits aside, which have their own genre of content, there seems to be two things of note concerning things found in the various places of enclosures. The first is the evolution of the construction, the second is the nature of the depositions (offerings). The enclosures seem to have evolved as time passed. They started as earthworks surrounded by a ditch. This was accomplished by digging the ditch and creating the earth-work with the soil removed from the ditch. In the enclosure an altar was set up and a votive pit dug. Eventually many of these sites saw palisades built on the earth works. The last phase seems to have been the construction of roofed sanctuaries within. Like so many of the other sacred things, we don't know for sure exactly what all the proper names for the sites were. Some scholars surmise though, that as many ancient rural churches are called "annat" that perhaps that is the ancient term for the enclosures. The logic is that the word is neither Roman or Germanic, but is a word found in other forms in old Gaelic, and, as the churches were built on the sites, the old word was used in conjunction with the new words to give us the likes of what we see today still used in some Gaelic areas (10). To build an enclosure is to set a boundary. Before the late Iron Age, this boundary separated the enclosure from where the people actually lived, further setting it apart. It was, therefore, not a delimiter of sacred space as in the Greco-Roman models of temples, but was the focus in and of itself. The ditches themselves were one place of votive deposition. In particular, weapons and equipment dealing with horsemanship are what is found in abundance in the excavation of the ditches. What marks the weapons, as sacrificial is the deliberate damaging done to the artifacts by the devotees prior to deposition (11). This would perhaps show that this was the point of votive deposition for the warriors, though such is but speculation. Other things found in conjunction with the enclosures are bones. In Gallic areas, both human and animal bones are found in abundance. In Goidelic areas animal bones are found, but human bones are so rare as to cause some scholars to believe that human sacrifice wasn't a part of the Goidelic tradition. The enclosures were communal in the idea that what was done there was for the whole community, in contrast to other sacred precincts which belonged to individual hearths. II. Votive Pits As mentioned above, the enclosures contain votive pits. Votive pits are found with varying depths and diameters. Sometimes they are rock lined, sometimes lined with wood, sometimes not lined at all. These pits are, however, a common element found across Celtic lands. As a practice found amongst cultures descending from Indo-European cultures, they have been dated back as far as the middle of the second millenium BCE (Before Current Era). There are even counterparts of the Celtic pits to be found in the Greek, Roman and Norse cultures, with associated words used to denote them (12). Votive pits and shafts are found throughout Celtic lands and especially in the British Isles, including Gaelic lands (13). The pits were not wells, though many may have originally started as wells. There is some evidence that the votive pits and/or their relatives the votive shafts, were dug as deep as the water table. As mentioned in an article by Sarah Nic Ghillielai/dir, there is an association between the sites of the votive pits and shafts, and underground water flows. More precisely, they were dug where a number of underground flows or streams conjuncted. There is ample evidence to connect their use in the veneration the Gods, the shaft itself being sort of a channel to underworld. While the first religious association would be with Danu as The Great Sacred Stream, there are other associations to be made. First amongst these are that the Tuatha De Danaan, the Tribe of Danu, the tribe or clann of Gods of Order, were considered to dwell under the ground after their battle with the Milesians. Therefore, it can be safely proposed that the votive pit/shaft offerings were made directly to the Tuatha De Danaan, who were of Danu. (14) The votive pits associated with the enclosures no doubt had the same communal significance as the enclosures that surrounded them. Conceptually, the shaft and the pits were probably the same. Many scholars even lump them together. The reason for this is that since the same things are found in both, it is thought that they are linked in regards to practice if not in ritual (though without any evidence it cannot be said that the ritual wasn't the same or similar). However, as not all shafts were part of the enclosures, some of them were probably for private use, by individual hearths or clanns. The contents of the pits are quite telling as well. Piggott and Green both cite several instances of pits which contain biological remains, i.e. what is left of decomposed flesh and blood matter. These instances of possible human sacrifice occur on the continent. Piggott goes so far as to state things in such a way as to indicate that the biological material is of human origin, denoting human sacrifice. He even points to scenes on the Gundestrup Cauldron, of the deposition of a human (with other things) into a cauldron (conceptually, a pit), as further evidence. However, I have found nothing written that indicates that the biological material found in ancient Goidelic pits is human in origin, while there are sources which speak of animal matter in the Goidelic pits. The votive nature of Celtic religion really starts to become apparent when studying the pits. In conjunction with the remains of animal sacrifices, there are the remains of actual votive offerings. The bulk of these offferings fall into the category of jewelry, with brooches and torcs being the mainstay. Other articles found in the pits are pottery, trees, iron fillings etc. All of these would be things highly valued by the devotees. These, as offerings, seem to be another common element across Celtic lands. (15) Two other things of note - in addition to the offerings and sacrifices, small models of limbs and other parts are found in the pits. Customs found to this day around shrines now Catholic have people depositing identical things as a means of procuring healing for an affliction from the Saint (deity) of the shrine, the part represented in model form being the place of affliction in the living devotee. The last element noted by scholars is the apparent use of pits as a place for libations (16). III. Natural Settings Literary references to natural religious settings are rare indeed. The whole concept of the sacred space of the Celts is not mentioned at all before the first cenury BCE (17). After the first century, it was wooded areas that became described in such a way as to denote them as the primary place of religious significance. However, Nora Chadwick gave a convincing argument that holds that this idea was erroneously caused by a mis-application of a quote of Pliny (18). A. What is certain, is that watery areas were of definite significance. Celtic culture is usually seen as typified by cultural manifestations arising in the La Tene area. That the lake site at Le Tene, Neuchatel, Switzerland contains literally thousands of weapons and tools in addition to jewellry and coins, attests to the ancient significance of lakes (19). The same phenomena, towit: the use of lakes as foci for religious veneration is also found in Gaelic lands as at Carlington, Scotland and other Goidelic lake sites (20). Remember that the lakeshore is a place where the Three Realms converge. B. Islands were another favorite place for religious use. Anglesy certainly falls into this category within Britain. In addition to the Brythonic examples in the Isles, there are many Gaelic examples as well. Amongst these are Skye, Iona and several others. These islands seem to have been used as natural enclosures, they being physically bounded on all sides by water. The water itself, in these cases, is the boundary, and the focus is therefore put on the island as the sacred area. (21) The format of the rites of the enclosures, at least as pertains to the islands can perhaps be gleaned from what was still in use as late as 1774. In that year Thomas Pennant recorded things that happened on an isle in Loch Maree. According to Pennant, the isle was the domicile of "derilans", which is a Gaelic word for a "priesthood" (non-Christian) who are "afflicted: in the manner of a 'divine madness'. People were brought to the "sacred island" and made to kneel before the altar (an Oak tree called Mhor Ri which was studded with nails for the attaching of clooties). The attendants of the suffering person left offerings of coins. He was then taken to the sacred well where he sipped some of the water. A second offering was then made there. Those things done, the suffering person was then dipped three times in the lake. Before that, in 1678, members of Clann MacKensie were called by the Church at Dingwall for having sacrificed a white bull on the sacred Isle of St. Ruffus, that done for the procuring of health. (22) C. The use of bogs is not an entirely Germanic or Brythonic thing. On the contrary, there have been finds of a votive nature in Ireland. Also found in Ireland, though also extremely rare, are human remains with a triplication of death-dealing methods used. What this means exactly, in regards to the Iron Age and our Milesian ancestors, is uncertain, as these possible sacrificial remains are invariably dated to either the Bronze Age or the Roman era in Britain. (23) D. To this day, the people visit the sacred wells on the special days, and in some areas they visit at times of need, such as illness. The wells which emerged from the ground higher up on a hill were accorded the most power (24). On thing apparently done was to leave votive offerings of cheese at the wells for safety. The waters of the wells were thought to be of a healing nature. One of the means of using the water from a sacred well was by the chanting of an eolas, or incantation over the water as well as the ailing person or animal. Literally hundreds of these incantations have been recorded over the years (25). Another way the waters of the wells were used is by people visiting the wells themselves. One way this was inacted was through the administering of the water by using the skull of an ancestor. This was used for epilepsy and the skull was kept secured safely at the well (26). Wells were also used to enahnce fertility in barren women. The women would walk sunwise around the pool three times, washing their abdomens in the healing waters, while the keeper of the well chanted eolas over the women's stomach area (27). It is not just any well that constitutes a sacred well. In a treaty such as this, where the historically accurate is what is sought we are looking for those wells which have traditionally held significance. What is a holy well? Tristan Hulse defines them as: "A natural (or, rarely, an artificial) source of water, with or without some form of associated material structure, for which, either in the past or in the present, some evidence (either actual or presumed) of some form of cult can be demonstrated: evidence of cult to include onomastics; topography (ie associations in space - the 'sacred' landscape); history; archaeology; architecture; folk-lore and local oral and/or written tradition." (28) It has been argued by at least one scholar (Jane Webster), that wells and shafts entered into conventional wisdom as being used in Gaelic areas as a result medieval Irish texts. Most scholars disagree completely with her on this point though. I follow suit and contend that it is precisely because of the inclusion in medieval texts, that given the insular nature of the Goidelic Celts, that these were a part of the religious site corpus of the indigenous Gaels. I would futher add, that the many recorded instances of processions to the wells on the Holy days, the use of clooties, the healing practices in the wells, and the rest of the various and great many ancient folk customs, further add to the proof of the antiquity of Gaelic use of wells and shafts. The casting of offerings into wells continues in Gaelic lands to this very day (29). E. The use of hills is found throughout Gaelic Celtic lands. In Ireland such is typified by the likes of The Paps of Anu , and in Scotland by the likes of Arthur's seat, Edinburgh. Not only is their use recorded in the folklore as being significant in religious practice, but sources such as Cambrensis and Bede show that the masses came in procession to the hills on the holy days. As a matter of fact, to this day, people still congregate on the hills on these days. (30) The hills used for religious reasons usually are connected to some venerated ancestor who is said to have fallen in battle there or are buried there (as in at Tara). Others, such as the two hills at Lough Gur, County Limmerick, Ireland, which saw the veneration of Aine and Fennel, are directly connected to the Tuatha De Danaan proper. The same is found in Scotland at places typified by sites such as a hill called Claodh Maree in the area of Loch Maree. Here the people came to venerate Mhor Ri , thought to be an appelation of Lugh. The amazing thing is that these events were happening as late as at the end of the last century and the begining of this century. Accoring to records, the hills themselves were anointed with milk. (31) F. The standing stones are also an area of use. The older stones are provably laid out in straight lines between distant places (32). Dowsers show how there are straight lines connecting these stones (and other articfacts in the line), called "leys", that they can find using their art (33). There has been some writing about them being placed on places where, similarly to votive pits and shafts, there are conjunctions of underground water flows (34). That aside, they continued to be raised as late as 1699 when a man was brought before the Kirk Sessions at Elgin, Morayshire, Scotland, for raising a stone. (35) There seems to have been a number of uses for the stones. That they were markers of land boundaries is well known and substantiated by Brehon Law (36). Others have traditionally been the sites of fairs, markets and courts (37). The ancient texts tell how some of the stones show where battles happened or where great champions of the people fell in those battles (38). Many fall into line with astronomical events such as Bealtain, Lughnasadh etc. Dowsers say that the standing stones, or many of them, continue to be imprinted with the energetic signature of the person who hammered them into the shape they originally possesssed when they were erected. Other doswers say that this imprinting can be done with the act of hammering. One investigation has shown that the imprint of a person could be placed on the stone by their dead body being placed on it and then burned. In a very real way this would allow for some part of the person to remain amongst the people for all timeand may explain some verses in the old texts which relate to heros who were erected as stone monuments. G. While this may add some confusion, there were large open areas that could be seen from a distance. These were called "crofts". These crofts should not be confused with another area, an area private to the land on which a family lived that was called the same thing. It was here that many of the activities of the fairs/festivals were usually held. (39) VI. The Hearth and Clann or Family Lands A. The Hearth It has been a great part of the religious nature of the European peoples, to see the first place of special concern being the hearth itself. In archaeological finds dating as far back as the what Dr. Maria Gimbutas called "Old Europe", there is a preponderance of evidence of the hearth having an altar area (40). Joseph Campbell explains in his writings that invasions and such are seen in the archaeological record provided by defiled altar areas in these hearths, as evidenced by the religious icons themselves often being smashed (41). Amongst Celts and perticularly Gaelic Celts (as that is the topic of our study), some evidence is to be found in the physical remains of homes. Falling into this category are such as the antechambers found in some styles of structure. Certainly though the very floor plan of the home was indication of the sacred nature of the hearth, especially as the hearth fire (with its cooking cauldron) was to be found in the middle of the home, which is the traditional location of the hearth fire as far back as the round shaped raths (42). Another bit of evidence is perhaps found in the Gaelic language where one room in a home was termed the "sun-room" or Grianne. That our earliest ancestors mounted the heads of their vanquished foes to their homes may be evidence, though more evidence shows that custom to have been used to prevent the spirits of the vanquished from causing problems. What is beyond question, is that the customs surrounding the home, as well as the laws of guesting and hospitality show the very sacred nature of the hearth (43). The customs of the hearth have a wide range. Some of them involve the closing up of the home for the night, while others deal with putting down the fire and raising it back up in the morning. There are a great many more than these, a lot of them still in practice up to very recently if not today (44). One whole celebratory feast, Imbolg, revolved around the home (45). We can therefore establish with some assurance that the Celtic peoples in general, and the Gaels in the course of this study, carried on the ancient practice of private shrine areas with altars in their hearths. (46) B. The Land There were indeed many customs of a religious nature surrounding the land. Like so many of the customs, these have been found to still be in practice in many rural areas up until very recently. One such custom is that on the land there was a piece of triangular, boundaried-off piece of ground called the "croft". This bit of ground was allowed to grow wild, with no maintenance whatsoever. This practice regularly caused church officials to have fits, as this piece of ground was dedicated to the "old gods". (47) The Laws were quite specific dealing with the land holdings. One such set of laws made it mandatory that the boundaries be walked so many times in a year (48). Related customs being an indication, then the ancient practice carried on in the older parrishes, of the ministers and the attendants of the schools there, walking the boundaries of the parish grounds beating the earth with staffs gives us a rather complete picture (49). That picture would be that a signature would be left at the boundaries, that a dowser or anyone who would be very sensitive to the things picked up on by a dowser, would recognize the boundary (50). V. All of what has been given so far, has been to set the foundation for we "Celtic Restorationists" to reinstitute our sacred places. The ancient texts and other sources for the lore leave no doubt that the whole of the land was considered sacred by our ancestors, it is also the same for us, after all the land is a Goddess unto Herself. Yet the first focus for our sacred space isn't the land, it is there always. A. The first focus for what is sacred space is our own homes. The whole of the home is sacred. As such it should be maintained as a place of peace and rest. For us to remain healthy in our homes they should be kept physically clean, they also need to be kept emotionally clean. As homes are no longer built on the old floor plan, with the fire in the middle, we come to the next place of importance. This is the family shrine where the altar is located. It is an area of particular sanctity, as it is the primary place where we fulfill our responsibilities of mediating the Gods on our own behalf. Upon the altar we sit our religious icons, symbols, and items; as well as icons and pictures of venerated ancestors, and other things of particular spiritual import. Here we meditate, pray and make our incantations. Here we mediate the Gods on our own behalf. This area should always be treated with the respect due the sacred. Amongst most Restorationists, the use of the Cauldron is found, in some semblance, as an altar piece. My cauldron is just that, a small (6 inches across) cast-iron cauldron. One family I know, has a beautiful blue glass bowl which sits in a wrought iron stand which has three legs. This piece reminds us, as we meditate and pray of the triune nature of the Universe, the World and Ourselves. Often times our altars will be found under the arch of a window frame, or beside a staircase, these being symbols of a place where the Three realms converge. Here we tell our children the tales of old and teach them the wisdom of the Traids. As the hearth is our family enclosure, so is the shrine area of our hearths the same but on a family level. C. The next place is found on the land itself. It is the Croft. A triangular piece of ground that is boundaried off and allowed to grow wild, dedicated to the Gods. There are many people who live in apartments who can't actually cordon off a piece of ground. However building a shallow triangular box and allowing it to grow on the balcony or some other area will suffice. The croft, though I never go into it, has helped me personally as another place of mediatation, as I sit outside its boundary and ponder the things I see inside. Though I never touch it, I do watch it, and contemplate on the life cycle of that which grows within it. Many of us hunt high and low for a Rowan tree (more like a shrub), to plant on our land, close to the house, because they are looked upon with favor by the Gods. At night, on the special days and certain other times, we leave out milk and cheese, in front of the area, for the spirits of the land. D. We don't yet have vast tracks of land upon which to build enclosures, set up the shrines or dig the shafts/pits for the whole community. Our community ventures are to date mainly restricted to our own back yards, on the Holy days, when family and friends come over. As such we commonly dig the shafts in our back yards (or other areas of the land in our stewardship) for use by the members of our hearths and clanns, as well as visiting Celts. If we can, we dig these on hi lls, but often aren't able to accomodate this. When possible, we will locate the shaft close to a tall tree, usually Oak, as the high Oak Tree is not only the Bile, but is also a place where the Three Realms converge. These pits are commonly used by the Clanns on the four high days when the family congregates together at one of the hearths. We, as a family, walk about the pit or shaft three times clockwise singing hymns, once for each of the realms (Sky, Sea. Land). A communal libation is poured to venerate the Shining Ones. Then the cup is passed around to each person in attendance and the Sacred Waters partaken of, in a very real way taking Danu, and Her offspring the Tuatha de Danaan into ourselves. Then as individuals we approach the pit and make our prayers then cast in our offerings to the Gods. We then feast! The shafts are also used by the members of the hearth at other times when offerings are needed. These may include a sick child or any other stressful or emergency circumstance. In these times we go right to the Gods, making our prayers and giving our offerings. For those members of our Clanns which don't have a place to consecrate a pit or shaft, we allow them to utilize the ones that belong to the individual hearthstead. E. As stated earlier, we in the CR movement don't yet have the vast tracks of land we need to fully restore into practice the ancestral ways. Many of us find lakeshores, seashores, islands and hilltops on public lands to perform our personal and community prayers and rites. Eventually, many of us would like to see enclosures built, with their shrines, wells, pits and attendants. Sources: prepared by Iain MacAnTsaoir |
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